Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts

Thursday, September 20, 2012

Putting the public back in the Republican Party

Right to Left: Robert (my father), and uncles Bill, and Phil in uniform during WWII

 Being good Midwestern Republicans


Both my parents voted Republican in each election as long as I can remember. It was a long history of Republican support, but I wonder how they would feel about the Republican Party these days.

They didn't seem to like FDR personally though they lived most of their early voting lives during the Great Depression and WWII. In later life my father commented that Harry Truman's Presidency was under-appreciated and under-valued. But it's doubtful that he actually voted for him.

My parents "liked" Ike during the 1950s.  I know they voted for Nixon in every election though I imagine they were ultimately disappointed. 

From what I understand, they were "okay" with Ronald Reagan, but I know they didn't think he was a particularly good actor, and I know they didn't think actors should be in politics.  After all, how can you tell if an actor is telling you the truth?

I'm pretty sure they voted for George H.W. Bush, and my mother probably supported George W. after the death of my father. 

More importantly than their voting record, my parents believed in the value of hard work. They believed that people were generally good. But they also believed at everyone needed to look after themselves and their families.

They went to church most every Sunday and were active in their congregation and in civic activities.  They weren't "joiners" or particularly "social", but had a small circle of close friends and respected professional relationships.  Considering that my father was on the road a lot, was an executive of a manufacturing company, the president of his industry association, etc., and that my mother was raising five children, today I find it surprising that they had any social life at all.

They were just good Midwestern Indiana Republicans.

Never ever talk about Politics


I can remember as a child going to the polling station in Michigan City once with my mother.  She showed me the levers of Democracy behind that heavy velvet-like curtain. But she never told me how she was going to vote. She never EVER talked politics. Nor did my father. If a political discussion erupted at the dinner table, they quickly changed the subject.  A person's political beliefs were personal beliefs. 

Politics, in the mindset of my parents, was not a pretty profession.  It wasn't "dirty", but just wasn't pretty.  I don't think they had grand visions about Democracy, but they had an abiding belief that basic fairness was an essential component of the Republican Party they supported. 

They probably would not have voted for Obama in 2008, but they would have embraced his message for the need for change during the financial crisis.  They weren't fans of big government - believing that the best decisions are made nearest the point of action. 

But they did, in fact, believe in Public Service.

My mother worked in an organization called Service League for many years.  My father was an official of his church. They regularly contributed to charities and local service organizations. 

They had a clear personal understanding of what one's behavior should be in public, and politics wasn't a part of that.

During their lives the tradition of Republican Party seemed their natural affiliation. It fit their understanding of who they were, where their traditions connected, and where their future was headed.  You could be a Republican in public, but you couldn't expose your deeply held beliefs in that arena.  Those beliefs may have animated your Republicanism, but not your public persona.

All the elements of the Republican Party my parents subscribed to now seem long gone.

The 47 Percent  

Mitt Romney has said that the 47 percent of Americans:

who pay no income taxes are people who are dependent upon government, who believe that they are victims, who believe the government has a responsibility to care for them, who believe that they are entitled to health care, to food, to housing, to you-name-it.

He also said:

My job is not to worry about those people. I’ll never convince them that they should take personal responsibility and care for their lives.

During the Vietnam War I once asked my father what he thought the US should do. I was astounded by his answer.

"I think we should load up planes with food and doctors and engineers," he said. "Most of those people are just hungry. They have no hope. We need to give them what they need to find hope."

This morning I mentally contrasted this statement of a good Indiana Republican with Mitt's remarks.

I don't think he would recognize the Republican Party of Mitt Romney, nor the beliefs (whatever they might be) of the Tea Party Movement.

Putting the Public back in Republicanism

Maybe Ideology is the difference between a person with "a heart of gold", and a person with a heart made entirely of gold.

My parents grew up during the Depression. They helped to win a world war.  They supported the public institutions and the workers who did the day-to-day tasks that made institutions worth while.  They supported the troops and the veterans of wars.  They supported the values that maintained the public in our republic.

The Republican Party -- as represented by Congress and the Senate and the Mitt Romney campaign and the Tea Party factions -- has transformed what it means to be a Republican.

I'm guessing that - were my parents still alive today -- they could not support the goals or the candidates that are represented by this party of the 1%.  I'm guessing they would long for the days when the word Public had real meaning in the Republican Party. 

Monday, September 3, 2012

"If I were King of the Forest" and Romney had Won in 2008

Mitt Romney is now the 2012 Republican nominee for President. Throughout his campaign for this honor he has repeatedly said he is the better candidate.

But Romney also ran in 2008 - the year Obama was elected President.  A lot has happened since then.  So let's look what the world would have looked like, had Romney successfully followed his dream to the Presidency back in 2008.

Romney's Financial Crisis and the Recession 

Stock Market Collapse

  • Romney - like Obama - would have inherited the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression. 
  • The crisis threatened the total collapse of large financial institutions, and downturns in stock markets around the world.
  • The housing market plummeted, resulting in loss of value estimated in the trillions of dollars.
  • Key businesses were without liquidity, resulting in plant closures, loss of productivity, and massive layoffs.
  • Without work, thousands of workers were forced into bankruptcy.
  • Evictions and mortgage foreclosures left people without homes and devastated the housing market.
Had Romney been elected, instead of Barack Obama:
  • Banks would not have received financing from the U.S. Government to enable them to withstand the crises.(No more BofA, etc. Our savings would have been lost, and the U.S. Govt would have been on the hook for the insurance. But bank execs would have still received their bonuses).
  • The automotive industry in the U.S. - representing approximately 4% of the GDP - would have been lost, along with approximately 2% of employment in the US. (No more GM, Chrysler, and probably Ford - if we could afford to buy a car, it would have been built somewhere else.)
  • The housing market would have continued to lose value as the number of foreclosures accelerated. (If you were paying on a mortgage to finance your home, the chances of foreclosure would have skyrocketed as the lenders called in loans to cover their losses.)
  • If you were lucky enough to have a job, your taxes would have increased as Romney's tax cuts would have been targeted to only the upper 2%. 
  • If you were unlucky and had no job, your unemployment checks would have run out after only three or four months.
  • Social Security would have been wiped out as Romney's plan was to privatize it and tie it to stock market investments.
  • Your Medicare would be wiped out, because Romney's plan was to tie payments to the rate of growth of the US economy - or the rate of collapse as the economy failed.
  • Your net worth - all that you own and all the money that you had saved - would be substantially less.
  • Your children would not be able to afford to attend college, as higher education's ability to borrow would have been curtailed as a result of the loss of the financial sector, resulting in a failure of colleges and universities to fund their programs.
These are just some of the financial events that might have occurred had Mitt Romney succeeded in his quest for the Presidency in 2008.  They are imagined based upon Romney's own statements in the midst of the financial meltdown, and up to and including his performance as a candidate in 2012.

But let's not dwell on merely on the economics.  Let's look at Romney's foreign policy promises and declarations:

Romney's 2008 Foreign Policy (Some questions...)

  • Where would Osama Bin Laden be today had Romney been elected in 2008?
  • How many U.S. citizens be fighting in Iraq had Mitt followed his plans?
  • Would we be withdrawing from Afghanistan if Mitt's policies been followed?
  • What about Iran? Would we have troops fighting there?
  • How about the revolution in Egypt? How about Libya?  Would we be setting up to fight in Syria right now?
  • China? How would we be engaged in China?
There are a lot of questions - the answers to which most of us can only guess. Why? Because Romney's current stance on Foreign Policy is a mysterious mix of former Bush policies and muttered proclamations aimed at pacifying the Republican's Right-Wing. These policies are more than Neo-Conservative; they are truly Crypto-Conservative.  

Parsing the Image of Romney

There's no question that Romney sincerely believes today - as he did in 2008 - in his ability to "Turn the Country Around".  Today he's capitalizing on the incredibly difficult state of the economy and playing on the dissatisfaction of the electorate. 

He wants the electorate to equate the catastrophe's of the financial collapse with Obama's leadership.  He is ignoring Foreign Policy, as though this topic is not of concern to us.

And yet, had all of Obama's efforts been successful, it's doubtful that it would have made any difference to Romney at all.  Romney's agenda has always been simply to get elected.
But not to lead.
To rule.

Saturday, September 25, 2010

Two Years of Change After the Train Wreck

How can I get you to vote in the next couple of weeks.

You've heard the reports: The Republicans are counting on a mid-term landslide to return their candidates to Congress.  They're counting on the frustration of voters of a growing but still small conservative constituency to be so outrageous and noisy -- promulgating lies and innuendo -- that voters who supported Obama's election two years ago will lose heart and stay at home.

I find this tactic really annoying, and it's making me mad.  Really! This is the party that screwed us, and now they're trying to get back in power.

But maybe I'm being too harsh on the Republicans.  Is that possible?

So I started doing a little research on the history of Republican actions -- using their words and reports -- to see if maybe I'm just being too partisan.

I wanted to see if maybe I missed something that might change my mind.

The following clips are -- except the last one -- I found on YouTube.  What I found might help you decide to get out and vote.

The Warnings in 2006

In 2006 -- after six years of Bush-era economics -- economist Peter Schiff was warning that we were heading for a massive recession.  But it wasn't the message that the US wanted to hear.  In fact, Bush economists were telling us that everything was hunky-dory.  Listen to this debate. It's amazing how the two world views diverge: One listing out the reasons for concern, and the other pooh-poohing those concerns. It was a heated debate, so the piece is long.  But watch it.  If you memory of that time is a little flakey, this will bring it back into focus.




My view in 2006
So what was my personal response to the dire warnings that the housing bubble was going to kill the economy?  Like every good American, I listened to the Bush economists, and I went out an spent more!  We bought a second house, and piled on more debt.  It was a nice house, and it helped us out at the time.  But as the housing bubble started to collapse, it became harder and harder to find a buyer for it when we needed to sell.  Fortunately, on a bright day in September of 2008, it finally sold way below what we paid for it.  Our teeth gritted, we lost at least $20,000 on the sale.  But the day the papers closed, we didn't realize how lucky we were.  Why?

The Meltdown Melts Down

Because the very next day Lehmann Brothers collapsed.  And the Dow Jones Industrial Average took one of the biggest nose-dives in history, dropping well over 400 points on a single day.

Remember that day, in September of 2008?



Goodness! But isn't Henry Paulson watching this?  Aren't the Republicans concerned?  Well here is Hank Paulson's response to the crisis:



"It's Not Our Fault"

So it wasn't their fault. It was, according to Paulson, because he couldn't go to Congress -- then in the hands of the Democrats -- to ask for help.

And yet, a few weeks later, that's exactly what Paulson and Bush did. And then Bush explained this thing called TARP to the nation.

Below is the entire address to the nation that Bush gave to us.  In it, he details not only what's going on, but how we got to that state of chaos, and what they were planning to do about it.

Watching this clip is really kind of sad, because for the first time, it seems, Bush actually seems to take some interest in the economy and the real lives of Americans. 



But wait, isn't Bush's address right out of Peter Schiff's portfolio?  Didn't he say the same things?

Well, yeah. His economic policy of "no-regulation" created an environment by which the entire financial structure of the US was threatened.  Everybody -- from Wall Street to Main Street -- was suddenly about to go down the drain.  So they had to act, and they intended to act swiftly. 

The TARP: The Fed to Save Us All!

Bush and Paulson made us a pledge: The troubled assets would be purchased from the banks by the U.S. Govt, and the Govt would hold onto them until their value rose, at which time they would be resold at a profit.

Sounds good, doesn't it? Crisis averted? Right?

Well, not exactly.  Just a few weeks later, Paulson changed the rules: Instead of actually buying the failing assets -- the mortgage backed securities -- the Govt would simply buy the banks for a period of time, letting the banks keep the assets on their books.  This would let the banks reap the benefits of any upward shift in the housing market, and later -- ideally with the money they gained from those sales -- they would buy back their businesses from the Govt.

Nationalizing the Banks -- The real bailout.

But wait! Isn't that the bailout that Bush said he wouldn't support?  Isn't that "Nationalizing" the banks themselves. Well, yeah.  Sort of.  Except the Govt. wouldn't buy all the banks.  In fact, it just meant that the Govt was going to bail out Wall Street.

And when asked about this, Paulson had this to say:



Before Obama
All this happened before Obama even took office. And if you're a conspiracy theorist, you might conclude that the Republicans -- knowing that the Democrats were going to win the election in 2008 -- decided to trash the country's finances so badly that nobody could fix it before the 2010 elections.  (Personally, I don't think that even the Republicans could be that diabolical, but there are some people out there who do.) 

So what did the country look like before Obama was sworn in? The following video, made in October of 2008, tells the story:



What the Republican's Help For America

Obama inherited a three trillion dollars budget deficit when he was sworn in.  The country was mired in two wars. The economy was on life-support.  The unemployment situation was (and is) devastating households, while Health Care costs were rising at a such a rate that 17% of the population had no insurance coverage.  Moreover, the infrastructure of the nation -- both physical and educational -- had been allowed to deteriorate to its worse condition since the 1930s.  


Normally, one would think that both legislators from political parties would see the challenges facing the country, roll up their sleeves, and go to work.  

But it didn't work that way.  Here's a political video purportedly representing where the Republicans were at in  March of 2009:



What the Democrats Did.

So, with no help from Republicans, what did the Democrats accomplish in the two years since Obama was elected?

Here's an abbreviated list of laws signed, aimed at rebuilding the U.S.

We still have a long way to go -- especially with unemployment at record percentages.  But there's been a sincere effort to rebuild the U.S., and considering the size of the hole that was dug by Republicans, we've made some real progress.

The idea of returning Republicans to power in either the House or the Senate is madness.  But that's what they're selling.

We have to get out and vote.
It's easy to see we're still on the way out of this mess.  It's easy to mistake progress in this atmosphere of lies and innuendo as no progress at all. 

But please consider where we've been, and how far we still have to go.  We're coming through a valley of despair right now and it's hard work.  But we're headed in the right direction.

Maybe you don't like Obama. 

Maybe the Bush years look really romantic, with all the money we were borrowing, and all the junk we were buying.

Maybe the Republican ideology has its attractions.

But the idea that a nation without government or a nation with a government of business hedonists will be our salvation is crazy!  And that's crap Republicans is serving.

It's really important to vote, to keep the momentum going.

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Saturday, July 24, 2010

Daniel Schorr, I'll miss you....

Daniel Schorr passed away yesterday and already I miss him.  He was the feisty, principled journalist who was number 17 on Richard Nixon's famous enemies list.  In fact, he was the reporter who revealed that such a list actually existed, and I imagine his surprise and pride at discovering his name on it.

He literally worked his way up through the ranks of broadcast journalism from the ground floor, starting by sending in tips to a local newspaper at the age of 15.  Then he worked his way down through the same industry to end his career broadcasting on NPR.  His concerns were my concerns -- as a citizen and a student of American politics.

His sonorous voice on TV or radio tended to sound professorial as he grew older, but he earned my respect as a viewer and a listener year after year.  As I learned to listen to him over so many years (and one had to really learn to listen) he became, for me, a kind of extension of the voice of Edward R. Murrow -- the extension of the idea that a primary role of journalism is to speak truth to power.

I was listening in my car to his last broadcast on NPR, just a few weeks ago, wondering how much longer I would hear his voice. I found myself stopped at the intersection, saying to myself "Thank God NPR is keeping his voice alive  after he was driven off of broadcast TV." His commentary was as strong on the last broadcast as it had always been. Only Bill Moyers today garners a similar respect from me, and right now Moyers too has gone off the airwaves. 

Schorr's contribution to journalism is difficult to understand in the current climate of corporate broadcasting and the daily Internet news cycle.  He was not particularly photogenic. His voice had a slightly unnerving quality about it.  He was not funny -- rather a bit erudite.  But his commentary provided context, knowledge, and insight -- and not a small amount of wisdom -- as he laid out his perspective on current events.  He seemed to muse about what was happening, sometimes awestruck that his craft had sunk to such depths of frivolous nattering. When so much was at stake for humanity, how can shows like Entertainment News and the Daily Show represent the heart of reporting today?

He reminded us that there is a kind of insanity in the reporting of current events today that too often propels personality demagoguery in journalism.  He was not of that school: Indeed, he seemed to go against that grain.  His reporting and commentary demonstrated that journalism should be more about substance than style; that news anchors and reporters should actually think about what is being said before they open their mouths or read a prepared script.  His instincts were often right: We're living in an age of propaganda now, and not an age of information delivered through news broadcasts. But sometimes he was wrong, and we took him for a honest person, fooled like the rest of us, by the twists and turns of history.

If there were truly an enemy of the Conservative Right, Schorr seemed willing and capable of taking on the role, without bowing to mud-slinging.  When something was wrong -- as is so often the case -- Schorr looked for the historical angle to describe it, and then constructed an argument, often nuanced and detailed, to cut it down to its bone.  But the Progressives couldn't take him for granted either. If he disagreed, they were warned that trouble was in the offing. His commentaries on the Obama Administration were filled with such warnings.  His continual critiques of the Clinton Administration were also usually on the mark.

But most of all, it was a sense that he couldn't be bought or co-opted.  I think that's why radio and NPR became his final formats for expressing himself: Corporate sponsors could no longer reach him; Politicians could not intimidate him.  They couldn't influence his words.  Instead, they chose to try to marginalize what he was saying, believing no one really cared any more.


I cared.


I will miss Daniel Schorr.  His voice was the voice that glued a past excellence in journalism to its present sad state, and I -- as a writer working in a completely different realm -- admired him.  I admired his detailed reporting, his thoughtful commentary, and his feisty sense of right and wrong.

More importantly to me, I admired his courage to speak truth to power.

Monday, June 15, 2009

Iran and its Elections

About fifteen years ago - maybe longer - I was commuting between Northern California and Southern California every week. It was during this commute that I was first reminded of the dilemma of Iran. Today the current protests over the election there brought this memory back to me.

I was taking a shuttle to a rental car company, and I got into a conversation with the driver, who was from Tehran. He had left Iran during the Iranian Revolution. He wasn't a supporter of the Shah, but found himself under suspicion. He had been a professor in Iran, teaching Physics. Now, here in the U.S., he was driving a rental car shuttle. "They are thugs," he said to me then. "They took power using the pretense of religion, but they are thugs."

What do I know about Iran today? Little or nothing! The revolution happened so long ago. What one reads in the paper about Iran has little to do with the people of that country. Over the years those Iranian friends and colleagues that I have met have said little about their homeland. It seems impolite to ask, which makes the fate of Iran seem as distant as the fate of another planet, in a separate galaxy. And yet that distance didn't always seem so large to me.

When my oldest son, Dagan, was born we were living in Washington, DC. Iran was still under the dictatorship of the Shah, but there was a lively exchange of commerce between our countries. Not just oil, but all sorts of goods. The stores of Washington were inundated with the beautiful arts and crafts that were arriving from Tehran. I bought Judith a beautifully hand embroidered coat in celebration of our first child's birth. She still wears it on special occasions, though after so many years it's starting to show its age.

So many terrible things have happened to Iran since I bought that coat: The U.S. Embargo; The 8 year Iran-Iraq war that killed thousands; the 1990 Manjil-Rudbar earthquake in which 40 thousand died; the 2003 Bam earthquake in which 23 thousand died.

During all these events and tragedies, the U.S. has been disengaged, and has treated Iran as an enemy. And likewise, Iran has treated the U.S. as one too.
Now the election in Iran has caused us to hope, and then -- as the drama continues -- to remain silent in expectation and fear.

I for one would like to see Judith wear her brilliantly embroidered coat once again. I would like our two countries freely exchanging thoughts and views, without this veil of threats. I would like to see that country surface from its sadness.

But maybe it's going to take another 30 years. I sincerely hope not.

I don't think Judith's beautiful coat will last that long.

Tuesday, January 20, 2009

Obama In!

Saturday, November 8, 2008

Marriage is a Civil Right

Judith and I have been friends since we were 14. Our marriage, at the age of 21 in 1969, has been the longest relationship of our lives. Through the trials of raising three children, 8 years of partial separation, lots of growth challenges and changes, it is still the prism through which we view our daily existence. But this post is not about our marriage, or our relationship. It's about what that long struggle has meant to us in the context of civil rights.

Despite my excitement about the Democrat's win during the last election, I was extremely disappointed in the outcome of the California ballot initiative called Proposition 8. Voting Yes for Prop 8 added the definition to the state's constitution that "marriage" will be restricted to one man and one woman. I was disappointed because I support marriage, and I believe the benefits of same-sex marriage far outweigh the detriments, and that Prop 8 will destroy the fabric of true, consensual marriage.

My context is a combination of morality, practicality, and realism, and while I sympathize with the feeling of voters who voted for Prop 8, it's important in my mind to put things into perspective.

For the great majority of couples in the world, marriage is still a form of bondage for the women. For a large segment of world society, the wife is still legal chattel - an object of slavery - with the owner of the chattel always defined as the male member.



Polygamy is another standard accepted form of marriage in many countries. It almost always defines marriage as a relationship between one man and multiple women.



Arranged marriages, from birth is yet another.



During the days of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, marriages were arranged and conducted at the behest of the government for the sole purpose of increasing the workforce, and the children of those marriages were removed from the couple (who seldom were permitted to co-habitate) as quickly as feasible.



The fact that the Western countries have -- over time -- successfully re-defined a concept of marriage to include equal rights between members of the marriage is an anomaly when compared to the state of marriage in most of the world's nations.



The U.S. and other Western countries -- by moving the legal path of marriage towards equality -- has strengthened individual freedoms, so that people now have a choice to take on their roles. These countries have strengthened the fabric of society by building a more just framework for raising children, for recognizing individual and family contributions, and for rewarding functioning family structures.

But traditional marriage, as found in too many other countries, is a means of restricting the rights of a particular underclass of citizens who happen to be women.

Proposition 8 -- the constitutional amendment that has been approved by the voters of California -- runs counter to the trajectory of civil rights. By defining marriage as an exclusive state -- solely recognized as a relationship between members of the opposite sex -- Prop 8 reinforces a status quo in which social mores' are more important than human rights.

It removes individual choice and it separates and castigates individuals who have freely choosen to enter into binding marital relationships. These kinds of relationships have been a constructive part of our society for millenniums, and interjecting a state-sanctioned formulation that excludes certain individuals is detrimental to the very family values these proponents profess to support.

Marriage is not simply a relationship between man and woman, and it should not be defined as such: It is a relationship between the society and individuals, shielding the relationship from state intervention and providing it with a legal framework for protecting its members for the benefit of the society.

Proponents of Prop 8 contend that legal domestic partnership is the equivalent to a socially sanctioned and legitimized marriage. But they might also look at the historic results of similar laws that once defined separate-but-equal states in this country, and the laws of apartheid in other nations. Those histories demonstrate that when two classes of citizens are defined by the state, they result in unequal treatment and the destruction of the very institutions that the laws were purporting to protect.




Individuals of age who freely join together in a relationship to build upon family values should not be struggling with the extra weight of this civil rights fight. Our families, who are already facing so many obstacles in holding together their relationships, should not be pitted one against the other over the sexual orientation of their neighbors -- gay, straight, or otherwise. There is too much that needs to be done to improve our society for the benefit of our children.

Proposition 8 was clearly an anti-civil rights proposition. The California state constitutional amendment that it promoted now needs to be repealed -- for the benefit of all of our families.

Tuesday, November 4, 2008

Good singing!

Time for Change?

This morning Judith woke up and began singing this old Bob Dylan song. I imagine her standing in line to vote, and starting to hum this little ditty. And then, slowly, voices begin to join in with her. And eventually, we get it done.



Thanks Bob Dylan!
If you want to sing this hymn, the words go like this:

When The Ship Comes In

Oh the time will come up
When the winds will stop
And the breeze will cease to be breathin'.
Like the stillness in the wind
'Fore the hurricane begins,
The hour when the ship comes in.

Oh the seas will split
And the ship will hit
And the sands on the shoreline will be shaking.
Then the tide will sound
And the wind will pound
And the morning will be breaking.

Oh the fishes will laugh
As they swim out of the path
And the seagulls they'll be smiling.
And the rocks on the sand
Will proudly stand,
The hour that the ship comes in.

And the words that are used
For to get the ship confused
Will not be understood as they're spoken.
For the chains of the sea
Will have busted in the night
And will be buried at the bottom of the ocean.

A song will lift
As the mainsail shifts
And the boat drifts on to the shoreline.
And the sun will respect
Every face on the deck,
The hour that the ship comes in.

Then the sands will roll
Out a carpet of gold
For your weary toes to be a-touchin'.
And the ship's wise men
Will remind you once again
That the whole wide world is watchin'.

Oh the foes will rise
With the sleep still in their eyes
And they'll jerk from their beds and think they're dreamin'.
But they'll pinch themselves and squeal
And know that it's for real,
The hour when the ship comes in.

Then they'll raise their hands,
Sayin' we'll meet all your demands,
But we'll shout from the bow your days are numbered.
And like Pharaoh's tribe,
They'll be drownded in the tide,
And like Goliath, they'll be conquered.

Copyright ©1963; renewed 1991 Special Rider Music

Wednesday, May 14, 2008

The West Virginia Effect: Clinton vs. Obama

Let me say first of all that I support Hillary Clinton for a number of reasons that make my wife uncomfortable. (a. She's a powerful woman who -- once she gets the bit in her teeth -- is determined to take you on a ride you won't forget; b. She has no compunctions about doing what needs to be done, regardless of what anyone else says; and c. She works her tail off for reasons that have more to do with long-term principles using short-term brute force, can-opener tactics.) In a few words, Senator Clinton is a rough-and-tumble Tomboy who was "brung up right!" And she's proud of it too!

Obama is a great guy. But when it comes to politics in Washington, I'd rather stick with the Tomboy who knows how to poke and jab and trip with the best of them.

Okay! So that's my personal preference in the Democratic candidates, and true to form, Senator Clinton has gone to the mat once more. The news organizations say it makes no difference; that the American people are tired of all this; that Obama has the momentum and the delegates and, by golly, he'll be the nominee.

But the people of West Virgina beg to disagree (thank you, kindly) and they said it in a big way yesterday. Does it mean anything? Has the Democratic race become a blood sport that they were just aching to see? What, exactly, was the message coming out of West Virginia?

My take is that it's heartland values versus intellectual allure, and I think it's something that I hope Democratic Party takes into account at the convention. Heartland values is more than stuff that's listed on a resume' . It's grit! And these voters saw it and felt it in Senator Clinton, and didn't even catch a whiff of it in Senator Obama.

And, to my eyes, this looks like real trouble for the Democratic Party if they can't keep Clinton somehow involved in the final race for the real contest in November. These voters heard Clinton and she was talking on their wave-length -- down and dirty, committed, common sense, old-style politics.

Now some folks like those kind of politics, and some like the inspirational kind. Kerry tried to be inspirational in the last Presidential contest, and he was dragged through the mud, branded as a snob, by these same kind of voters.

Clinton, by comparison, doesn't seem to inspire the folks from the big cities; doesn't seem to work the crowds into the same kind of spiritual elation, and often doesn't even give people a warm and fuzzy feeling when they hear her. Instead, she's a fighter, and that's what some folks really want. Compromise? Hell no! Fisticuffs is more her campaigning style.

To paraphrase then the West Virginia Effect: "I don't like her; I may not agree with her; and I damn well don't want to be her neighbor or drinking buddy! But by golly, she's got guts and I'm gonna vote for the old gal! I know she'll do me proud in the end, win or lose!"

And that's the West Virginia effect the Democratic Party had better look out for, because after Kerry's campaign walked away from the last election, licking its wounds and whining about Ohio, the Democratic Party was left with a traffic accident. And the backbone of Democratic voters saw it, and remembered the previous election that was also a traffic accident, and a lot of them are saying "Never again!" If they don't see some real gumption in this year's nominee, they're not going to back a loser -- no matter how much they like his or her demeanor, policies, or pedigree.

They'll go for whoever shows the scar tissue, the bruises, and the courage to stand up for their values against the stuffed shirts in Washington.

Bill Clinton knows this. Hillary Clinton nows this. And all Barack Obama seems to know is the delegate count.

Tuesday, April 29, 2008

Obama: Out of Context

We're all incredibly tired of hearing/seeing the videos that have defamed the Rev. Jeremiah Wright, Jr. and I think we're all peeved at the attention that was focused on those videos by bloggers and the press. Likewise there is that contentious "bitter" remark by Obama led into the Pennsylvania Primary. Two threads seem to hold this style of reporting together: a) the unprecedented candidacy of Barack Obama and b) the tendency of journalists to latch onto anything that makes a headline.

Obama supporters have claimed that a panicked Clinton's campaign will promote anything that dulls the sheen of Obama. But, on the other hand, maybe there are deeper issues here too that need to be questioned.

Snares and Bear Traps


This primary season has been like watching a snare-line of bear traps springing shut along the campaign trail as each candidate runs a gamut of media attention. Race, gender, elitism, ethnicity: Each trap snaps as the candidates passes, taking bits of clothing and snatches of flesh and a little more credibility with each bite. But the candidates keep on going. And of course, they should. Democrats understandably worry that, by the time the actual convention takes place, there will be little or nothing left of the selected candidate's persona to campaign.

In defense of Obama, most of the controversy has been about statements taken out of context. But isn't context exactly the issue at the heart of his woes?

A Nation of Context

The United States is undeniably a country with a multitude of contextual signposts -- some very trite, and some hidden and unspoken. On the trite side, these include apple pie and motherhood and respect for the American flag. But they also include guns, hunting, equal access to services, race, religion, Mickey Mouse, Disney Land, NASCAR, Halloween, and a list of partially concealed snares that are tried-and-true Americana but seldom exposed.

Democrats argue that our strength as a nation comes from a celebration of our contextual diversity. But it also sometimes exposes our weakness, especially when cultural context is distorted. Rev. Wright says this was what has happened with his remarks, and when that distortion occurs, a slight against one closely-held value becomes an offense against the culture itself.

Yet, that is legitimate copy for journalists and political analysts. For any politician to say "My remarks have been taken out of context" is to defy one of the universal axioms of public life that Tip O'Neal famously identified: "All politics is local."

What is the real context?

In the world of politics, context can be more important that content. And in this light, the entire campaign of Senator Obama is one of context -- to be celebrated and closely examined.

  • Washington is out of touch with the American people.
  • We need to build an America that reflects our values.
  • My candidacy is viable because I am an outsider.
The message resounds with some of the Democratic electorate because goings-on in the Congress and the White House seem so foreign to the average citizen on the street. Washington appears as a great traffic jam of American contexts: Those who oppose the consensus of a perceived "common context" -- or those who try to manipulate an issue to a particular advantage -- are labeled "special interests." But usually, it's the special interests themselves that complain about the special interest of others, and no one seems to acknowledge that a common context of the Will of the People might be increasingly difficult to identify.

Obama's message seems to be that he wants to change the context of American political discourse. One might paraphrase his message as follows: "Washington is broken," he observes. "I have the background and the personal fortitude to overcome the context of Washington politics and the special interests and to do the Will of the People." In a sense, by implication, he wants to reshape the landscape so that positive change can begin for the benefit of Americans and the world at large.

Who has changed context more than Bush-Cheney?

Yet when we look at our recent history as a nation, no president has changed the context of America more than George W. Bush.

The Bush-Cheney Administration has already radically modified the premise by which we, as Americans, are served by our government. The aftermath of Hurricane Katrina is a frightening example of that kind of service, and the privatization of governmental responsibilities like prisoner and detainee incarceration is another.

Bush-Cheney has also modified how we finance our government's infrastructure, with tax subsidies for the very rich, heavier tax burdens on the poor and middle class, and a clear pandering to the corporations that lobby for special favors.

The Bush-Cheney Administration has likewise changed a basic equity of our legal system -- defining special classes of individuals who are excluded from legal protection. This legal framework defies the traditions of our country that stretch back to the founding of our legal system. This change has included the simple rights to have access to evidence, the right to be confronted by the persons who are accusing you, and even the right to be actually charged with an offense. We see these changes in how this administration has detained prisoners at Gitmo, how it has prevented individuals from access to legal council, and how the administration has used extraordinary rendition and torture to obtain intelligence. All this under the guise of homeland security.

And, to top it off, we find ourselves in an endless civil war in a country far away. This is a civil war that we, as a nation, were led into by the Bush-Cheney Administration And we permitted it to happen by assuming the administration was telling the truth about weapons of mass destruction; about collaboration between Al Queda and Sadam Hussein; about "mission accomplished."

This is a context self-inflicted upon America, and it's a context that both Democratic candidates are confronting. (It is also a context that Senator McCain thinks is just fine, and one that should be fostered until....)

Changing Context

Senator Obama says he is the best choice to change the context entirely, saying that the problem is Washington itself.

By comparison, Senator Clinton says that the context-problem is actually the current administration and the legacy of the Republican majority that has distorted the Will of the People. She believes that she can bring back a recognizable context for real change in America, and she points to the successes of her husband's administration.

Whose Context is America's Context?

So, in a real sense, the context conflict facing voters is echoed in the demographics of the voters, state by state. Older white middle-class voters and working women lean towards Clinton; Young and well-educated and well-to-do voters lean towards Obama. Each has a different frame through which they see the challenges of America and the hope for the next president.

This demographics are very understandable to me, personally, because older voters remember the successes of the Clinton Administration. Working women understand how their perspective can bring practical change to the workings of an organization. Likewise, new voters don't remember much of the Clinton Adminstration beyond the sound bites of the Republican attack machine: The Lewinsky Scandal; the Impeachment Scandal; the White Water Scandal; the failure of the Clinton Healthcare proposals; the Gays-in-the-Military Scandal.

On and on, young voters can recite the litany of scandals that seem to play like music videos straight from conservative You-Tube pages. It doesn't matter that Hillary Clinton was exonerated of all charges: The video context and the slurs remain fixed in their memories.

Likewise, the well-to-do and the well-educated feel an inherent shame that the public perception of the President of the United States seemed to fall so low during those years of conflict.

Yet, when one looks back at the polls during that most contentious period, over 60% believed that the Clinton Administration was doing a good job. By any measure of imagination, it appears that the conservative movement has successfully re-written history of those years in the public consciousness.

Of course, this is not the context that Senator Obama wants to bring to Washington, and we admire his abilities to frame and imagine a new context of hope, justice, and prosperity. He seems to say that he doesn't want to change the current context, but to actually create a new American context -- based upon the real values of the citizens -- to Washington. Of course, Clinton's image of context bears no resemblance to the past nightmare of charges that she experienced during her husband's administration. Her vision is not about the past, but a future that reinstates the momentum for real progress that was begun during the Clinton-Gore Administration. Her hope is to fulfill the promise of those years -- a promise that was stolen by the Republican majority, the 2000 appointment of GW Bush, and the subsequent demise of a recognizable and progressive context for America.

What is Obama's Context?

Yet the "bitter" remarks reported and debated by the press do raise a significant question about cultural context: Is Obama an elitist? Is he so far removed from the day-to-day context of the American citizen that his solutions will be actually be in conflict with the context of these citizens' reality? Apple pie? Motherhood? The flag? etc.? These are real questions that middle-America is asking, and the fact that Clinton recognizes those voices and those questions is important. And though the press reports Clinton's voicing these questions as negative, personal attacks on Obama -- sometimes characterizing it as coded form of racism -- the questions will persist beyond the primaries and into the fall campaign by the Republicans: Is Obama out of context with the middle-America electorate?

Consider: Obama's extraordinary biography is not the traditional, recognizable stuff of a middle-American identity. Granted, it is the stuff of an evolving American identify in a new century. But that identity is not yet fully realized in the public consciousness; not yet fully understood, and not yet fully tested in the minds of many middle-Americans.

A New Context for the 21st Century?

Indeed, Senator Obama's experience bridges a gap between the identity of the old 20th Century American identity and a new 21st Century American identity. It is an identity that reaches from a new context for this country that is global in nature, multiracial, and ethnically mixed. No doubt that's one of its chief attractions to the youth and the intellectuals and the college educated and the upper-middle income electorate. Obama's identity is a new context that affirms the progressive themes of America's promise.

But, for better or worse, the majority of middle-America is still dealing with the old context -- in their small towns, cities, churches, synagogues and temples: The work-a-day world of home, job, children, and taxes. And today, that 20th Century context is simultaneously familiar and frightening. It's a context distorted by the Bush-Cheney nightmare. And it lends itself to a nostalgic memory of when things were a bit better back in the Bill Clinton Administration.

By comparison Senator Obama's statements that things have been taken "out of context" is important. Because, in the 20th Century his identity still an exception, while in the 21st it will be increasingly the context in which we experience the world.

The question remains, however, how to bring America into this new realm that he imagines, and who is best equipped to get us there.